As part of this I want to spend some time on a neglected but very relevant aspect of Chifley’s legacy – and that’s his role in helping create the institutions which have underpinned the global economic order. Clearly we won’t take an identical set of policies to the next election as we took to the last. We all have our Light on the Hill. We need to reassure anxious Australians we understand the central job-creating role of business and the importance of budget responsibility. Before going to the hill, maybe Labor should lie down in the valley for a while and think hard about what it is, what society is, and why it actually wants to rule the shining city. We should be proud that Australia made outstanding contributions to this work. It’s a confronting story. Morrison supplied a collective of atomised individuals — “the quiet Australians” — who lived up to the “promise of Australia”. Fresh thinking is required and it should be natural territory for the centre-left. ‘Bill Shorten shouldn’t carry can’: Jim Chalmers calls for ALP to reconnect with suburban voters. Johnny, you can’t be in Queensland where the ALP abandoned any pretence it had to a climate change policy in the last couple of weeks of the election campaign. And the old adage that ‘you win or you learn’ is relevant too. Having become immersed in neoliberal economics, choice theory and focus groups, the sort of atomised individualistic thinking that underpins such processes deluded the party into thinking that that’s how society actually is. But the sobering truth is that the reactionary right has largely prospered around the world since the GFC by attacking globalism with populism, nationalism and isolationism – and the progressive left has struggled. These lessons apply equally to Australia and to Australian Labor. Three years later he was denied the Labor preselection for the seat for the 1937 poll. Focusing on the future economy. Today’s issues are different. But to re-establish our growth credentials and to reclaim aspiration we need to renew the way we go about it. Renewing, refreshing, and recharging the Light on the Hill for new generations by building an Australia which leaves nobody behind, which holds nobody back, and which is ready for and resilient to the challenges that lie ahead. In that scenario, Australia drifts into the future with weak economic growth, poor educational outcomes and is increasingly vulnerable to external shocks. Just look up Galilee Basin Pledge – where the embattled ALP member for Herbert ditched the greenie vote and died in a ditch for ‘workers’ who weren’t there to vote for her. Hawke and Keating from a closed to an open economy. “In the Labor Party we take decisions collectively and we take responsibility for them collectively as well. Chifley’s story begins 134 years and six days ago, a kilometre or so from here at that little house on Havannah Street, a similar distance from the marital home on Busby Street that I visited this afternoon. But instead of fresh thinking, many progressive parties around the world have turned to ideas of the past. Running through it all was financial recklessness, unrestrained competition between great powers for markets and technological advantage, trade and tariff wars, and ugly right-wing reactions to economic dislocation. When Chifley himself became PM, and kept Treasury, he continued to grasp the reins of our engagement in the establishment of a new world economic order. On the other hand we have the purely neoliberal macroeconomic analysis of Bernard Keane telling us that the federal government is like a household and needs to balance its “budget”, or some equivalent rubbish.

To join you here in the year of this election, the year of Hawke’s death, and to reflect on Chifley’s legacy, is to be reminded that Labor has only governed federally for less than a third of our country’s history since Federation yet we have produced what is generally agreed to be four of the best six prime ministers. This is a legacy of six years of Liberal management of the economy, but beyond that, it is the legacy of a conservative government clinging stubbornly to the wreckage of an economic model that has sustained them for so long. We mostly lost among middle ground voters, not middle-income voters. But of course he also had to recite Ben Chifley’s accomplishments. That means Australian history is defined by long periods of conservative torpor punctuated by bold, activist Labor leaders and governments. Or further left.

Things had already started to be unpicked by neo-liberalism from the 1970s on and then with increasing speed and consequence by Thatcher, Reagan, deregulation, and financialisation. And the acceleration of inequality before, during and since then has steadily shredded its political legitimacy. While Annabel has now fully recovered, he said “hearing the rush of kids newly arriving, some with horrible injuries and sickness far worse than what we were dealing with” was tough. A significant weakness in Labor’s climate policy was that it was on the funding never never. We find ourselves at inflection points in our politics, our economy and our society. And the GATT, more than any other international organisation, was responsible for the emergence of the modern global economy. Jim Chalmers' speech shows that Labor no longer understands its own founding philosophy — or the reasons for its crippling election loss. We took an ambitious program to the last election and we fought hard for it. And that senior figures in our Party have established a long tradition of applying the lessons from Chifley’s life to our most substantial contemporary challenges as a movement and a nation. Please try again. Promising to tear up neo-liberal economics isn’t hard – coming up with a credible alternative is. That means Australian history is defined by long periods of conservative torpor punctuated by bold, activist Labor leaders and governments. He sought a global commitment to full employment, to complement his policy at home. These were acts of courage, foresight and vision.

But royal commissions take time. One of the most penetrating and longstanding chroniclers of that post-war period was John Kenneth Galbraith. But instead of fresh thinking, many progressive parties around the world have turned to ideas of the past. That’s right, they had the bones of a policy including a vague but plausible attitude to Adani and then they hoiked the whole thing out the window and went chasing after the blue collar vote – which had already gone over to Hanson, Katter etc long, long ago. We took an ambitious program to the last election and we fought hard for it. Peter Fray I’m conscious you’ve bestowed this honour since the mid-1980s on Gough Whitlam, Bob Hawke, Paul Keating, Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard, Bill Shorten, Anthony Albanese, and so many more. After all, what is the Hillsong megachurch when lit up for service? It was a stunning political achievement at the time. A forward-looking society, an outward-facing country, powered by an upward-climbing economy. But aspiration in the way Liberals frame it is only ever political cover for trickledown economics. Against the suspicious opposition of members of his own cabinet, Chifley eventually won agreement to our membership of the IMF, the World Bank and the GATT. “She’d come down with a bone infection that meant she spent all but a couple of nights between then and election day in the Queensland Children’s Hospital hooked up to an IV drip.”. Where we celebrate people doing well and getting ahead. — Jim Chalmers MP (@JEChalmers) October 31, 2019 Dr Chalmers also revealed his toddler, Annabel, spent three weeks of the election campaign in a … With John Curtin’s strong support, Chifley as Treasurer laid the foundations of Australia’s engagement in the world economy after the war. And Labor in government has been consistent – insisting that the fair go needs fair markets. Almost 2 million Australians are looking for work or more work. GR’s analysis seems to credit our voting population with warm hearts and analytical minds…maybe they do at other times, but during elections their bullshit detectors are dulled by their selfishness and ignorance. I want to talk about Labor and the economy, his two abiding and defining interests. In that scenario, Australia drifts into the future with weak economic growth, poor educational outcomes and is increasingly vulnerable to external shocks. A forward-looking society, an outward-facing country, powered by an upward-climbing economy.

People in outer suburban communities like mine, around Australia. Hawke and Keating from a closed to an open economy. He watched in hope and frustration as international conference after international conference failed to agree on a coordinated economic response to the downturn. We mostly lost among middle ground voters, not middle-income voters. The obvious answer is that Morrison’s genuine religious faith gives him an insight into a population’s hunger for something beyond individual (including family) existence, in a way that Labor’s technocratic and unimpassioned elite have lost. Big transitions are always accompanied by big, defining anxieties.

This year the CSIRO warned us that Australia faces a “Slow Decline” if it fails to address the rise of Asia; technological change; climate change and environmental degradation; demographic pressures; and diminished trust and social cohesion. Wages have barely grown. Proud, too, that the Hawke and Keating Labor Governments later led the way in the formation of APEC and the creation of annual leaders’ summits. They appear to have latched on to the idea that Morrison sold aspirational individualism better than they did, while Labor’s various statist offers smacked of collectivism. We will take our time to do that. An order that has been one of the foundations of our prosperity is decaying. And where we want more people doing well and getting ahead. Household debt is at record highs. It cautions us against wasting time, neglecting or denying the biggest challenges; lacking ambition; or getting bogged down in old binaries and false choices.

Policies are being revamped at the moment and there is scope to provide a sensible middle course. I’ll do my best to hew closely to that tradition tonight. Also known as: nose-down, arse-up, going round in circles. Wages have barely grown. And adopting a genuine mindset of partnership which recognises today’s political and economic strategies and institutions aren’t working for middle Australia. Unchecked liberalisation can’t address this.

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